My parents generation grew up making the case for Israel. Israel was born at the same time they were and fought for its life just to make it to its first birthday. Israel was a still developing nation surrounded by mortal enemies and fought intermittent defensive wars with its neighbors. Amazingly, not only did the country survive, but it began to thrive economically in spite of sparse resources and fueled by determination and ingenuity. Israel's military became strong enough not only to defend against five attacking armies simultaneously, but to take land in the process, expanding its borders during the Six Day War of 1967 – arguably Israel's defining moment.
My parents generation watched it all with bated breath. Their parents raised funds, sent aid, put public pressure on elected officials for US support of Israel, and voted largely on candidates' stances on Israel. These were the generations that witnessed Holocaust and grew up in its immediate aftermath. The very existence of a Jewish state was unbelievable and its necessity never clearer.
The case they made to the American and global public was black and white, cut and dry – Israel was a good kid in a bad neighborhood performing miracles to survive and grow. Pride was easy and passion ubiquitous.
Today, Israel is a first world nation with a booming economy. It is a world leader in science, technology and business. Israel has peace with Jordan and Egypt. Although Syria is so crippled at this point that it's not capable of being a credible threat, the Assad regime had nonetheless tacitly accepted Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights and ceased to be an active belligerent. Israel is no longer at war with its immediate neighbors, but the neighborhood remains far from safe. Hamas, Hezbollah, ISIS and other organizations - some backed by Iran – remain threats. In some ways, having traditional nation-states as enemies is a much easier situation. Nation-states usually have clear and relatively rational self-interests. They are easier to hold accountable and when there is war, you know who and what you're fighting – and so does everyone observing.
Thus, in the process of defending the Israeli state, its leaders have had to make challenging decisions with complex outcomes and implications. Today, Israel is seen by many as an aggressor and a bully. Too many Palestinian Arabs grow up remembering the Israeli soldiers who invaded their neighborhoods and homes – perhaps taking away an uncle or brother. They don't credit how many rockets hit Israel soil before Israel took action or that Israel dropped warning notes before attacking, or that the beloved uncle or brother was constructing underground tunnels designed to invade and bring terror to the Israeli state.
Israel is in the difficult position of being the stronger party in a war with a weaker, but intransigent set of opponents some of whom are themselves unknowingly held hostage to the interests of the Iranian state or terrorists.
Moreover, Israel has allowed many Orthodox Jewish communities to create settlements in the West Bank. These people want to reclaim what was once Judea – the places so much of Jewish history took place. But their presence is a thorn in the side of any Israeli wanting to trade land for peace.
In short, Israel has gone from being a kid to a young adult – and its world and situation are now far more complex, with more darker parts of its story. That doesn't mean we can't love it and support it. In fact, maybe its another reason to do so. We don't abandon kids when they face the challenges of adulthood.
When I was a child to a young adult, I shared by parents' and grandparents' view of Israel. Today, I still mostly do – but I question and try to look past the rosier aspects to understand the full picture because I think realism is required for pragmatic and effective solutions. In short, my politics - in both domestic issues and foreign policy alike – are moderate. A very unpopular place to be in this day and age.
Jewish supporters of Israel often tout the Balfour Declaration in which Britain promises a Jewish homeland in Palestine. But the McMahon-Hussein Correspondences promising an Arab state in the same region is often omitted. What we often forget is that Jews an Arabs lived in relative harmony under the Ottoman Empire and into the British Mandate. It wasn't until the idea of a winner-take-all nation-state came into play that the table was set for war and ongoing tension. And of course the heart of the issue was a set of mutually exclusive promises by the British in their drive to local support for the war effort in the First World War.
Moreover, the idea of a Jewish state has many wondrous elements. There are many Christian and Muslim nations, and no other Jewish one. Jews in Israel can wear their kippot proudly, are granted time off for their holidays and Shabbat is a shared, communal experience. Jews from anywhere in the world can come and claim citizenship – a process knows as making Aliyah – anytime, for any reason. But my niece Hayden hit on the darker side of the policy. Jack, my father-in-law, was explaining to his grandchildren how they could, if they ever wanted or needed, move to Israel and become citizens here.
"But what about Papa?"
Her Salvadorean-American father isn't Jewish. He cannot claim citizenship and whether or not he could get residency would depend on a number of factors. So, if there was some terrible antisemitic event that would cause Hayden to move to Israel, her father might find himself excluded or second-tier at best. Not an easy pill to swallow.
But then anyone who wants to be critical of the Israeli immigration system should take a good look at the American, French, Chinese, Japanese, and Singaporean immigration systems. Harsh realities abound.
When Emily and I asked Ziv and Hila about the state of relations between Jewish and Arab Israelis, Hila immediately replied, "Haifa is a very mixed city. We grew up with Arabs in our city and I think everyone gets along well."
"Do you have any Arab friends?"
"No. I have an Arab employee at work."
"Did you growing up in Haifa?"
"No, it's not like we lived in the same neighborhoods. We just saw each other around."
"So, like at the supermarket?"
"No, not so much at the supermarket. But around town."
Not what I would deem a highly integrated society at this point. But maybe there's not active hatred. That's progress… and the future has all kinds of opportunities.
The point is that after two weeks in Israel, seeing most of the developed area of it – I want to take home a picture of what Israel is: an amazing, complex economic powerhouse that provides hope for the Jewish people, deserving of vast support from the world (not just Jews), that has myriad problems and challenges yet to be solved – as we all do. I would be a huge hypocrite to take a high-handed approach to Israel's inter-cultural issues given the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States or the state of South Chicago. We remain a country with our own institutional racism issues. So I'm not sure we're fit to preach – although we should be encouraging everyone to share the ideals we ourselves hope to live up to.
Israel is a place of incredible history, hope, spirit and adventure. At the end of my third trip, I find myself as thoroughly exhausted as each of the prior two. Israel somehow is not restful. And my pockets remain lighter than expected. Israel is surprisingly not cheap.
But what is especially incredible about Israel – besides being filled with Jews like me – is that it is equally rooted in immensely deep history as it is reaching toward the future. While some dig through the layers of civilization under Jerusalem, others are developing cutting edge technologies to solve genetic disorders and create sustainable water supplies. Israel neither neglects nor dwells in its history – ancient or modern. It remembers what it was, what it is – and still it reaches for creativity to figure out what it wants to be, what it will be.
And a special thanks to Susan and Jack who gave us the gift of this immensely special trip and experience.
